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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
Time: 9:03 pm
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Results for crime against businesses
10 results foundAuthor: Thornton, Alex Title: Commercial Victimisation Survey 2012: Feasibility Report Summary: The 2012 Commercial Victimisation Survey (CVS) is the first of a new series of surveys run by the Home Office, designed to measure crime against businesses in England and Wales. This new series, currently scheduled to run in 2012, 2013 and 2014, builds on the two previous Home Office CVS surveys carried out in 1994 and 2002. Both previous surveys were limited to small and medium sized businesses in the retail and manufacturing sectors with interviews carried out by telephone. The two surveys are regarded as among the most comprehensive studies of crime against business in England and Wales measuring crime at premises rather than enterprise level1. The 2002 CVS also included a smaller postal survey of head offices (primarily to collect information about the financial impacts of crime) although, due to a very low response rate, data from this was not included in the 2002 report. In 2012 it was agreed that the CVS would focus on data at the premises level, collecting information on experience and costs of crime, responses to victimisation, insurance and crime prevention measures, local policing and business characteristics. Compared with previous CVS surveys, the 2012 survey was widened to cover four business areas; retail, manufacturing, the service sector and transport and distribution. The 2012 survey would again be conducted through telephone interviews. This report provides a summary of various stages of feasibility work carried out by TNS BMRB between April and July 2012. Work was carried out to develop the survey methodology and questionnaire for the 2012 CVS and consisted of three main stages: 1) A comprehensive review of the CVS sample design. This included making a recommendation of the survey population, obtaining the most accurate business population counts, and developing a process for looking up telephone numbers for sampled premises 2) Cognitive interviews with respondents at a range of individual business premises to fully test the draft questionnaire 3) A robust dress rehearsal of 100 interviews designed to test comprehensively all aspects of the survey processes. This provided an opportunity to test the questionnaire produced from the feasibility study and amend it prior to the main stage survey. The report is divided into the three sections outlined above. In addition to these three stages, a stakeholder workshop was carried out on 19th June with members of the CVS Steering Group and Virtual Reference Group. The purpose of the workshop was to discuss emerging findings from the early stages of the feasibility work with key stakeholders from outside the Home Office research team. Details: London: Home Office, 2012. 191p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 23, 2013 at: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/science-research-statistics/research-statistics/crime-research/cvs-feasibility-report-2012?view=Binary Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/science-research-statistics/research-statistics/crime-research/cvs-feasibility-report-2012?view=Binary Shelf Number: 127359 Keywords: Commercial CrimesCrime Against BusinessesRetail CrimeVictimization Surveys (U.K.) |
Author: United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime Title: Business, Corruption and Crime in Serbia: The impact of bribery and other crime on private enterprise Summary: This survey of businesses in Serbia reveals that corruption and other forms of crime are a great hindrance to private enterprise and have a negative effect on private investment. A significant percentage of businesses pay bribes to public officials repeatedly over the course of the year. Businesses in the Accommodation and Food service activities sector and the Transportation and Storage sectors combined are those most affected by bribery, followed by businesses in the Wholesale trade and Retail trade sector. The public officials with the highest risk of bribery in interactions with businesses are public utilities officers, police officers, municipal or provincial officers and customs officers. While indicators of corruption perceptions are undoubtedly useful for raising awareness, this survey measures the actual experience of corruption and crime through representative sample surveys of businesses in order to provide a more realistic, evidence-based assessment of corruption and crime affecting the business sector. In so doing it focuses on the extent and pattern of bribery by businesses from five different sectors (accounting for over 71.1 per cent of all businesses in Serbia) in their frequent interactions with the public administration. According to the survey, of all the businesses that had contact with a public official in the 12 months prior to the survey 17 per cent paid a bribe to a public official. The average prevalence of business bribery in Serbia is higher than the share of ordinary Serbian citizens (9.3 per cent) who experienced the same in UNODC's 2011 study on the general population. The examination of the experience of businesses that pay bribes to public officials underlines the fact that corruption plays a role in the daily business of many companies. Bribe-paying businesses pay an average of 7 bribes per year, or about one bribe every seven weeks. The prevalence of bribery is substantially higher among micro (up to 9 employees) businesses than among businesses of other sizes. A substantial share of all the bribes paid to public officials by businesses in Serbia are paid in cash (45.2 per cent), followed by the provision of food and drink in exchange for an illicit "favour" by the public official (25.5 per cent) and other goods (21.7 per cent). When bribes are paid in cash, the mean amount paid per bribe is 52,588 Dinar, or the equivalent of 935 EUR-PPP. As for which party actually broaches the subject of kickbacks, in 43.5 per cent of all bribery cases the payment of a bribe is offered by a representative of the business without a prior request being made, whereas in over half (56.1 per cent) of cases payment is either explicitly (16.2 per cent) or implicitly (22.4 per cent) requested by the public official or are paid after a third-party request (17.5 per cent). The most common purposes for paying bribes cited by businesses is to "speed up business-related procedures" (40.3 per cent of all bribes), "receiving better treatment" (19 per cent) and "making the finalization of a procedure possible" (11.3 per cent). At the same time, almost a quarter (23.4 per cent) of bribes paid serve for no specific immediate purpose for the businesses paying them, suggesting that these are "sweeteners" given to public officials to "groom" them for future interactions in the interest of the company. None of the businesses part of the survey had reported bribery incidents in the 12 months prior to the survey to official authorities in Serbia, which suggests that businesses often feel obliged to participate in bribery. This is also reflected in the main reasons cited for not reporting bribery: "it is common practice to pay or give gifts to public officials" (34.2 per cent), "it is pointless to report it as nobody would care " (30.8 per cent) and "the payment or gift was given as a sign of gratitude to the public servant for delivering the service requested " (21.6 per cent). Bribery in the private sector not only comprises bribes paid by businesses to public officials, it also takes place between businesses themselves in order to secure business transactions. Though lower than the prevalence of bribery between the private and public sector, at 6.6 per cent the prevalence of business-to-business bribery indicates that the practice does exist in Serbia. None of the businesses in the survey reported such business to business bribery incidents to relevant authorities. Some 9.2 per cent of business representatives decided not to make a major investment in the 12 months prior to the survey due to the fear of having to pay bribes to obtain requisite services or permits, thus the impact of bribery on business activity can be substantial. The consequences of other more conventional crimes on a business's property and economic activities can also be considerable, both in terms of direct costs stemming from physical damage and indirect costs in the form of insurance premiums, security expenditure and lost investment opportunities. For instance, more than one third of businesses (35.5 per cent) in Serbia fall victim to fraud by outsiders in various different guises in a year and such businesses are victimized an average of 10.1 times in that time period. Annual prevalence rates for burglary (10.2 per cent) and vandalism (9.5 per cent) in the private sector are also significant, as are the average number of times businesses affected fall victim to those crimes (4.4 and 2.8 respectively). The prevalence rate of motor vehicle theft (MVT) is 1.7 per cent of all car owning businesses, with victims suffering an average of 1.4 incidents. Moreover, over the past 12 months 1 per cent of all businesses in Serbia fell victim to extortion, a crime that can be linked to organized criminal groups. In marked contrast to corruption, a larger share of conventional crimes (on average, 41.8 per cent for five crime types) is reported to the police by businesses in Serbia. While the majority of business representatives (76.2 per cent) consider that the crime risk for their company has remained stable in comparison to the previous 12 months, around one in six (17.1 per cent) think it is on the increase and 2.8 per cent on the decrease. The fear of crime plays a very important role in the decision-making process of business leaders when it comes to making major investments. Although there are some differences by economic sector, on average one out of ten (10.6 per cent) entrepreneurs in Serbia state that they did not make a major investment in the previous 12 months due to the fear of crime. Yet while about 93.2 per cent of businesses in Serbia use at least one protective security system against crime, only 44.8 per cent have any kind of insurance against the economic cost of crime. Together corruption and other forms of crime place a considerable burden on economic development in Serbia. Putting in place more and better targeted measures for protecting businesses against crimes, as well as for preventing corruption (such as effective internal compliance measures and other policies concerning corruption) could make that burden considerably lighter. Details: Vienna: UNODC, 2013. 76p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2014 at: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/corruption/Serbia_Business_corruption_report_ENG.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Serbia and Montenegro URL: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/statistics/corruption/Serbia_Business_corruption_report_ENG.pdf Shelf Number: 131809 Keywords: BriberyBusiness CrimeCommercial CrimeCrime Against BusinessesCrime StatisticsPolitical Corruption |
Author: Goldberg, Michael Title: How Firms Cope with Crime and Violence: Experiences from around the World Summary: Crime and violence inflict high costs on the private sector-costs that are rising globally, according to the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys, discussions with chambers and associations, and the Bank's Country Partnership Strategies, which reference the losses in terms of gross domestic product (GDP). In Latin America and the Caribbean, for example, losses due to crime and violence have been estimated at 9 percent of GDP in Honduras, 7.7 percent in El Salvador, and 3.6 percent in Costa Rica. In sectors such as clothing assembly, international purchasers can shift know-how and capital quickly to less violent destinations, while other sectors such as extractive industries are more likely to stay despite rising violence. Behind the statistics are human costs: lost jobs; shifting of businesses' working capital from productive uses to security firms; and an increase in contraband, fraud and corruption, and "rule of law" issues. In this book, original case studies from Brazil, Colombia, Jamaica, Mexico, Nepal, and Rwanda illustrate the specific challenges to businesses and the coping mechanisms that firms and groups of firms have used successfully against crime and violence. The book's findings have implications for the private sector, governments, and the World Bank's efforts to support both under difficult circumstances. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2014. 109p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 11, 2014 at: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/16539 Year: 2014 Country: International URL: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/16539 Shelf Number: 131854 Keywords: Costs of CrimeCrime Against BusinessesViolent Crime |
Author: Grant Thornton Title: Illicit Trade in Ireland: Uncovering the cost to the Irish economy Summary: Although frequently thought of as a victimless crime, illicit trade has a significant impact on the Irish economy. The objective of this report is to provide a detailed assessment of illicit trade in Ireland across a select number of sectors, namely fuel, tobacco, digital media and pharmaceuticals. With regard to each of these sectors, the report seeks to understand the impacts, identify key drivers behind these illicit trades, and where possible, quantifies the losses to the economy. Ultimately this report proposes an integrated approach to tackling the problem of illicit trade in Ireland. What is illicit trade? The most common definition of illicit trade is that used by the World Health Organisation (WHO) which covers many different areas that go beyond the scope of this report. These include money laundering, cash transaction, human trafficking and the trade in illegal drugs. Within the context of this report, the term "illicit trade" is more narrowly defined as: - Intellectual Property Crime (IPC); - Contraband; and - Illegal manufacturing. Importance of intellectual property It is widely accepted that the recognition of Intellectual Property ("IP") plays a vital role in promoting innovation and stimulating the economy in order to foster growth. Therefore, it is vital that appropriate legal recognition, public policies and enforcement is in place to ensure that IP and brands are protected. Illicit Trade in Ireland Despite the importance of IP rights and an increased emphasis on IP protection, significant levels of illicit trade remain in operation throughout the Irish economy. Illicit Trade in Ireland is not confined to a single industry but is present in a broad spectrum of activity across the Irish economy. The scale and scope of illicit trade in Ireland has resulted in significant losses to the Irish economy. The losses suffered include a number of important stakeholders such as right holders, retailers, consumers, the Government and the wider economy. Whilst almost every area of the general economy is subject to losses as a result of illicit trade, this report has narrowed its focus to a number of core areas which are having the most detrimental effect on the Irish economy. To address any problem, the first step should be to understand the problem and in this report we have attempted to do just this. The estimates that we have provided in this report show that illicit trade could be costing right holders as much as L547m per annum and the Irish Exchequer as much as L937m per annum. Details: Dublin: Retail Ireland, 2013. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 14, 2014 at: http://www.oireachtas.ie/parliament/media/committees/jobsenterpriseandinnovation/Illicit-Trade-in-Ireland-report.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.oireachtas.ie/parliament/media/committees/jobsenterpriseandinnovation/Illicit-Trade-in-Ireland-report.pdf Shelf Number: 133069 Keywords: ContrabandCosts of CrimeCrime Against BusinessesFinancial CrimesIllegal ManufacturingIllicit TradeIntellectual Property TheftMoney LaunderingOrganized Crime (Ireland)Retail Crime |
Author: Bamfield, Joshua Title: Changing Retail, Changing Loss Prevention Summary: At one time, protecting a retail corporation's assets was a role seen primarily as a policing one and retailers employed personnel (often with a police or military background) to carry out this task. The main role was to apprehend thieves stealing from the organisation and to prevention violent crime. The expectation was that this role was to be carried out mostly by arresting malefactors and handing them to the police. The value of retail security was often judged in terms of the numbers of arrests made and the efficiency of individual loss prevention officers would frequently be measured in terms of whether they had achieved their target number of arrests. Starting with the U.S. the 'retail security' (ie policing) model of loss prevention has been increasingly disparaged. The role of loss prevention, as its name suggests, has been to minimise retail loss rather than arresting large numbers of people. Loss prevention has been seen as being more concerned with financial and operational performance capable of reducing or preventing losses of all kinds. Specialist skills of investigation and arresting thieves without creating civil liability are of course essential to loss prevention work, but they only form part of what is required. The emphasis increasingly has been upon the prevention and deterrence of offending, and much less upon apprehending as many thieves as is practicable. Indeed, at its best, a good loss prevention department might have no arrests at all if its prevention work is of a very high order, although in practical terms this is highly unlikely. Apprehending thieves, processing them and handing them to the police (inevitably involving some court appearances) is extremely expensive and often costs more than the merchandise recovered when a thief is caught. Loss prevention specialists certainly patrol the stores and investigate suspicious employee behaviour, but loss prevention also includes preparing improved procedures, ensuring greater conformity with company loss prevention policy, training staff to be more aware of potential loss, analysing loss and working with other departments to mitigate actual or potential losses caused by error or procedural failures (as well as loss caused by crime), and helping to develop new policies needed for the changing pattern of retail losses, such as online losses or losses caused by the growing problem of refund/returns fraud. Details: Newark, Nottinghamshire, UK: Centre for Retail Research, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 20, 2015 at: http://all-tag.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/GRTB_Changing_Retail_Changing_Loss_Prevention_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: International URL: http://all-tag.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/GRTB_Changing_Retail_Changing_Loss_Prevention_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 135305 Keywords: Crime Against BusinessesCrime PreventionEmployee TheftLoss PreventionRetail SecurityRetail TheftShoplifting |
Author: Biancotti, Claudia Title: Cyber attacks: Preliminary evidence from the Bank of Italy's business surveys Summary: This paper presents preliminary evidence on cyber risk in the Italian private sector based on the Bank of Italy's annual surveys of Italian industrial and service firms. The information collected, albeit only covering the incidence of cyber attacks and some aspects of security governance, is the first of its kind for Italy. The results are striking: even though a mere 1.5 per cent of businesses do not deploy any cyber-security measures, 30.3 per cent - corresponding to 35.6 per cent of total employees - report at least some damage from a cyber attack between September 2015 and September 2016. Once data are corrected to account for unwillingness to report or inability to detect attacks on the part of some respondents, these figures climb to 45.2 and 56 per cent respectively, with large, high-tech and internationally exposed businesses faring worse than average. The economy-wide risk level is likely to be higher still; the financial sector, healthcare, education and social care are excluded from the sample, but they are known from other sources to be particularly appealing to attackers. Details: Rome: Bank of Italy, 2017. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Occasional Paper, no. 373: Accessed May 10, 2017 at: https://www.bancaditalia.it/pubblicazioni/qef/2017-0373/QEF_373.pdf?language_id=1 Year: 2017 Country: Italy URL: https://www.bancaditalia.it/pubblicazioni/qef/2017-0373/QEF_373.pdf?language_id=1 Shelf Number: 145393 Keywords: Computer CrimesComputer SecurityCrime Against BusinessesCyber SecurityCybercrime |
Author: Lain, Sarah Title: Corporate Raiding in Russia: Tackling the Legal, Semi-Legal and Illegal Practices that Constitute Reiderstvo Tactics Summary: This paper explores Russian corporate raiding (reiderstvo) tactics, which are used to pressure and/or steal businesses, often with the complicity of corrupt state authorities. Due to its complexity, defining reiderstvo in a way that is helpful can be challenging, but looking at the tactics involved in the practice, rather than the final result - the stealing of the business - can help to focus attention on some of the threats facing business in Russia and the damage done to the country's investment climate. Russian reiderstvo can be a complex process and defining it can be challenging. Indeed, the author found that experts disagree about whether supposedly modern-day examples of reiderstvo - such as the cases of the oil company Bashneft, the chemical producer Togliattiazot and Domodedovo airport - can be labelled as such. In their detailed analysis of how reiderstvo works, Louise Shelley and Judy Deane describe the practice as the use of a "host of illegal tactics ranging from bribery, forgery, corruption, intimidation, and violence employed by raiders to steal companies from their owners, making massive and rapid profits by selling off assets and laundering the proceeds'. This definition certainly holds true for many historical cases, where detailed analysis has revealed a fuller picture of the details and motivations. However, to understand problems associated with reiderstvo today, this definition narrows the focus too much. In reality, the definition is broader. Reiderstvo is not necessarily a single crime aimed at the theft of a business. Reiderstvo tactics are used as a means to achieve multiple and often contrasting ends. This makes the term itself somewhat misleading and at times unhelpful. Although corruption is usually involved, those using reiderstvo tactics do not exclusively rely on illegal practices; indeed, they blur the lines between legal, semi-legal and illegal practices. Often reiderstvo tactics are used as a way to pressure businesses to comply with corrupt requests for personal gain, rather than being used to steal a business outright. Studying the tactics used to pressure businesses as part of a broader view of reiderstvo, rather than concentrating conceptually on reiderstvo, can help to better focus attention on some of the significant threats facing business in Russia and the damage done by reiderstvo to the country's investment climate. Taking this view will assist in better articulating specific measures that need to be taken to combat the various tactics used by those engaged in the practice. This paper, therefore, mostly refers to 'reiderstvo tactics', rather than just 'reiderstvo', in an attempt to capture the wide range of ways that businesses are put under pressure in Russia. Reiderstvo tactics continue to be a concern for businesses in Russia, despite the issue having a lower public profile than during the 1990s and late 2000s. It is difficult to accurately measure the full extent of reiderstvo in Russia, in part because they are often included within broader legislative definitions, such as 'economic crimes', which do not cover or differentiate between the various tactics. It is also difficult because the state agencies tasked with investigating and enforcing against corporate crime are the very agencies that are frequently involved in reiderstvo tactics. These include the tax authorities, security services, courts and legal system, regulatory control agencies, local and regional administrations and law enforcement. Moreover, false accusations of reiderstvo can also be used by state authorities or corporate competitors to falsify criminal cases or pressure business. A key issue is the apparent lack of strong political will to implement comprehensive and consistent measures to protect businesses, despite rhetoric from President Vladimir Putin. The research for this paper - which included an in-depth review of the relevant academic literature and legislation, and interviews with business people, consultants and academic experts - revealed that - apart from a few high-level public cases - reiderstvo tactics are often used at the local level in Russia, frequently involving local political corruption. Initiatives such as the business ombudsman have raised awareness of the need for business protection, but the office is still limited politically in how far it can intervene, and structural issues remain at various levels of government that enable the abuse of power. The paper does not seek to duplicate previous work on reiderstvo, and it is by no means a comprehensive analysis of past and present reiderstvo cases. Instead, this paper seeks to address some of the assumptions surrounding reiderstvo, suggesting that it is more useful to refocus attention on the array of individual legal, semi-legal and illegal means used to pressure businesses. The sum is arguably less important than the parts in understanding how reiderstvo has evolved. By concentrating on reiderstvo tactics rather than the end result, this paper provides a new and improved framework through which Russian business associations and authorities could and should target initiatives to protect business rights. Details: London: Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, 2017. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: RUSI Occasional Paper: Accessed September 2, 2017 at: https://rusi.org/sites/default/files/201707_rusi_corporate_raiding_in_russia_lain.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Russia URL: https://rusi.org/sites/default/files/201707_rusi_corporate_raiding_in_russia_lain.pdf Shelf Number: 147009 Keywords: Corporate CrimeCrime Against BusinessesFinancial CrimesPolitical Corruption |
Author: Hanson, Philip Title: Reiderstvo: Asset-Grabbing in Russia Summary: SUMMARY POINTS - The illicit acquisition of a business or part of a business in Russia (known as reiderstvo or asset-grabbing) is widespread and one of the risks of doing business there. - The common ingredients of reiderstvo are the complicity of any or all of the tax, security, law-enforcement and judicial authorities, and the use of charges that are either freely invented or examples of the highly selective use of accusations that could have been levelled at many other business people but were not. - Reiderstvo is made possible by corruption and contributes to market-entry barriers and the insufficient restructuring of incumbent firms. - The lack of protection of property rights that makes reiderstvo possible is one of the risks that make investment in Russia less attractive than it would otherwise be. This contributes to the modest level of fixed investment as a share of GDP, to the net outflow of private capital in all post-Soviet years except in 2005-07 and to the weakness of competition. The disincentives to invest apply to foreign as well as Russian firms. - Since early 2012 the phenomenon of asset-grabbing has been widely publicized in the Russian media, and calls to reform law enforcement and the courts, and to protect property rights have become commonplace. - Reiderstvo has elicited significant civil resistance. Business associations have played a role in launching counter-measures. The state has intervened to try and guide the campaign against reiderstvo but it does not monopolise that campaign as it does the broader, official 'anti-corruption campaign'. - At the same time, developments over the amnesty for economic crimes, the role of commercial courts and the management of tax charges show just how powerful the forces ranged in favour of the status quo can be. Details: London: Chatham House, 2014. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 26, 2017 at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/home/chatham/public_html/sites/default/files/20140300AssetGrabbingRussiaHanson1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Russia URL: https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/home/chatham/public_html/sites/default/files/20140300AssetGrabbingRussiaHanson1.pdf Shelf Number: 147460 Keywords: Crime Against BusinessesFinancial Crime Political Corruption |
Author: Ponemon Institute Title: 2017 Cost of Cybercrime Study: Insights on the Security investment that Make a Difference Summary: With cyber attacks on the rise, successful breaches per company each year has risen more than 27 percent, from an average of 102 to 130. Ransomware attacks alone have doubled in frequency, from 13 percent to 27 percent, with incidents like WannaCry and Petya affecting thousands of targets and disrupting public services and large corporations across the world. One of the most significant data breaches in recent years has been the successful theft of 143 million customer records from Equifax- a consumer credit reporting agency-a cyber crime with devastating consequences due to the type of personally identifiable information stolen and knock-on effect on the credit markets. Information theft of this type remains the most expensive consequence of a cyber crime. Among the organizations we studied, information loss represents the largest cost component with a rise from 35 percent in 2015 to 43 percent in 2017. It is this threat landscape that demands organizations reexamine their investment priorities to keep pace with these more sophisticated and highly motivated attacks. To better understand the effectiveness of investment decisions, we analyzed nine security technologies across two dimensions: the percentage spending level between them and their value in terms of cost-savings to the business. The findings illustrate that many organizations may be spending too much on the wrong technologies. Five of the nine security technologies had a negative value gap where the percentage spending level is higher than the relative value to the business. Of the remaining four technologies, three had a significant positive value gap and one was in balance. So, while maintaining the status quo on advanced identity and access governance, the opportunity exists to evaluate potential over-spend in areas which have a negative value gap and rebalance these funds by investing in the breakthrough innovations which deliver positive value. Following on from the first Cost of Cyber Crime1 report launched in the United States eight years ago, this study, undertaken by the Ponemon Institute and jointly developed by Accenture, evaluated the responses of 2,182 interviews from 254 companies in seven countries-Australia, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, United Kingdom and the United States. We aimed to quantify the economic impact of cyber attacks and observe cost trends over time to offer some practical guidance on how organizations can stay ahead of growing cyber threats. Details: s.l.: Accenture, 2017. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: https://www.accenture.com/t20170926T072837Z__w__/us-en/_acnmedia/PDF-61/Accenture-2017-CostCyberCrimeStudy.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.accenture.com/t20170926T072837Z__w__/us-en/_acnmedia/PDF-61/Accenture-2017-CostCyberCrimeStudy.pdf Shelf Number: 149125 Keywords: Costs of Crime Crime Against BusinessesCrime StatisticsCyber SecurityCybercrime Internet Crime |
Author: Centre for Social Justice Title: Desperate for a Fix: Using shop theft and a Second Second Chance Programme to get tough on the causes of prolific drug-addicted offending Summary: Heroin and crack cocaine, along with the recent explosion in New Psychoactive Substances, are not only blighting communities but drive as much as 50 per cent of all acquisitive crime, and 70 per cent of shop thefts. Police recorded shop theft topped 385,000 offences last year, but the true figure, based on Home Office assumptions, is closer to 38 million offences. In 2017, we estimate shop theft cost L6.3bn - equivalent to L270 for every household in the country - and more than the average household's monthly grocery shop. At the same time, offenders with 36 or more previous convictions or cautions are responsible for an increasing proportion of theft offences dealt with by the criminal justice system - growing from 39 percent in 2010 to more than 60 per cent last year. Over the same period, the even more prolific cohort of offenders, with more than 60 previous convictions, has doubled. At the root of this problem is a complete failure to tackle the addictions that fuel the bulk of theft, with offenders cycling through a criminal justice system that offers fines, community sentences, short prison sentences and threats, but nothing compelling in the way of true rehabilitation. It is a broken system that demands fixing and this paper proposes a new sentencing option that would simultaneously offer the offenders a chance of long term recovery, while providing the victims of crime with respite. Details: London: The Centre, 2018. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 25, 2018 at: https://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/core/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/CSJ-Desperate-for-a-fix-WEB-1.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/core/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/CSJ-Desperate-for-a-fix-WEB-1.pdf Shelf Number: 150645 Keywords: Crime Against BusinessesDrug Abuse and Crime Drug Offenders Second Chance program Shop Theft Shoplifting Stealing |